police history” predates the evolution of the “police” as a permanent occupational group within a bureaucratic institution, providing the primary state response to crime and disorder. that was primarily a development of the 19th century and a reaction to the rapid social change of the industrial revolution and rapid urbanization. prior to 1800, governments maintained order by a variety of means, local and national. one of the key historical debates concerns the effectiveness of these approaches and the degree of continuity between the premodern and modern police models. around 1800 a small number of distinctively different types of police institution emerged. the french, under napoleon, instituted the gendarmerie, a state military police model. it evolved from the “marechaussee,” which had had a dual military and civil function since the 16th century. the model was exported across europe by napoleon. the british developed two models. the first, set up to answer similar challenges to the gendarmerie in france, was the royal irish constabulary model. it was close to the state military model, but distinctively styled as part of the civil power of the state and subordinated to the magistracy. the irish model was subsequently exported to britain’s colonies and became the basis of forces such as the indian police service. the metropolitan police was consciously created as a local force with a uniform that was deliberately different from the military and a mission that focused on prevention of crime rather than the repression of disorder. this state civilian model became the basis for all uk forces on the mainland and the principal influence on the development of east coast us policing in the 1840s. as the three models have developed and evolved in different political systems over the years since 1800, they have both diverged and converged in various ways. there has been significant convergence in the basic disciplines of policing. however, the governance of the police, the use of force, and the management of public disorder have, in many cases, remained quite distinct in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. this bibliography has been organized by national histories. this is, in some ways, the easiest way to organize the material, but it also presents some difficulties in showing some of the crosscutting issues and challenges.
frailty is a health problem that increases the probability of developing adverse health outcomes in the elderly. a frequently used way to operationalize frailty is the construction of a frailty index, which is built from the addition of several health deficits that describe biological aging. however, there is no consensus about the number of health deficits for building a frailty index and about which deficits must be chosen. this lack of a standardized frailty index is assumed to be an obstacle for the advancement of research on frailty. the focus of the present article is to propose a theoretically plausible alternative way of operationalizing frailty by means of frailty indexes composed of deficits selected at a local level. these deficits would therefore be different for each given population. this "anthropological approach" is on the opposite side from current trends in frailty research, which is characterized by the search for a standardized operational definition of frailty. the anthropological approach would generate more reliable data by taking into account the specificity of the population to be studied for selecting frailty deficits. in this approach, emotions, motives, and beliefs are as important to determine individuals' health vulnerability as chronic diseases and physical function. physiological anthropologists are well positioned to contribute to research on frailty by carrying out studies on the selection of the best deficits to operationalize frailty in different populations, with different socio-cultural determinants of health, and living in different environmental life spaces.